Ron DeSantis and Foreign Policy
A view on what Ron DeSantis' foreign policy might look like.
On May 24, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis announced his campaign for the presidency, joining a plethora of fellow Republicans in the race. During his tenure as leader of the Sunshine State, DeSantis made headway by dissenting against the fascistic mindset of the tyrannical covid regime, choosing to take the side of freedom and prosperity in an otherwise totalitarian-leaning world at the time.
For that and other policies he implemented against the covid regime, DeSantis is rightly hailed as one of the most effective leaders in the world of conservatism. But there remains a certain murkiness surrounding his official positions on foreign policy. After all, a governor of a state is not to be concerned much about that area of politics. Then again, he has periodically stated his viewpoint on specific issues relating to American foreign policy, whether in his time as a congressman or as governor.
Indeed, a lot can be extracted from DeSantis’ recent remarks as well as his statements made during his previous role in the House of Representatives regarding his stances on Russia, China, and other foreign adversaries of the United States. Readers might be a tad bit surprised to find out that DeSantis edges closer to the Bush-neocon wing of the Republican Party than the non-interventionist America First wing.
Ukraine and Russia
In 2018, then-Congressman Ron DeSantis applauded Donald Trump’s toughness against Russia, which he construed as a stark deviation from Barack Obama’s stance toward the Kremlin. He faulted the Obama administration for not intervening enough against Russia in Crimea and Syria. “They did nothing when Russia invaded Crimea, made incursions into Ukraine, went into Syria,” DeSantis said. He further supported Trump when he sent lethal aid packages to Ukraine and delivered Patriot missiles to Poland.
On Vladimir Putin, DeSantis has had nothing but negative remarks to add about the Russian president. “He’s been a threat for a very long time,” DeSantis said in 2017. Furthermore, he implied that working diplomatically with Putin might very well be a lost cause, insinuating that previous presidencies have failed to reign in Putin. He then repeated the establishment line regarding Putin’s intentions, claiming that Putin wishes “to reconstitute the Russian empire."
Flash forward to the Russian invasion of Ukraine. Four days after the commencement of hostilities, DeSantis lambasted President Joe Biden for his supposed “weakness” in allowing Moscow to invade, saying Biden’s lack of firmness “bred a lot of the disorder.” Although these remarks reflect a “tough,” neoconservative-leaning view on Ukraine, the Florida governor soon shifted his positioning as the absurdity of the Western role in the conflict became more evident.
Roughly a year after the beginning of the war in Ukraine, DeSantis slammed the Biden administration’s aid to Ukraine as a “blank-check policy” with no apparent aim. “They have effectively a blank-check policy with no clear strategic objective identified,” he said. DeSantis also criticized Biden for not paying more attention to America’s domestic problems. “He’s very concerned about those borders halfway around the world,” and “he’s not done anything to secure our own border here at home.”
In response to Tucker Carlson, who asked all GOP presidential hopefuls for their stated position on the war in Ukraine, DeSantis put forth a reply that was more in line with America First. All in all, DeSantis’ written statement was a masterpiece on what the Republican position should look like concerning the current conflagration in Ukraine. DeSantis argued that “becoming further entangled in a territorial dispute between Ukraine and Russia” does not constitute one of America’s interests.
“Without question, peace should be the objective,” the statement read. Further, “the U.S. should not provide assistance that could require the deployment of American troops or enable Ukraine to engage in offensive operations beyond its borders.” He also wrote that F-16s and long-range missiles for Ukraine should “be off the table.” DeSantis noted that “these moves would risk explicitly drawing the United States into the conflict and drawing us closer to a hot war between the world’s two largest nuclear powers. That risk is unacceptable.”
Additionally, DeSantis criticized regime change efforts against Putin, highlighting the real risk of a takeover in which a more “ruthless” individual would replace the Russian president. Moreover, DeSantis explained that attempts to oust Putin would unnecessarily stoke tensions and make “the use of nukes more likely.”
“We cannot prioritize intervention in an escalating foreign war over the defense of our own homeland,” DeSantis wrote. In truth, from a non-interventionist standpoint, what DeSantis articulated was a breath of fresh air and a constructive criticism of the Biden administration’s proxy war against Russia. That is, until he walked it back under fierce media criticism.
According to DeSantis, his comment labeling the Ukraine war as a “territorial dispute” had been erroneously “mischaracterized.” Again, he engaged in intense criticism of Russian President Vladimir Putin, labeling him a “war criminal” who “should be held accountable.” To Desantis’ credit, he did stick with his position of no American troops in Ukraine, although that’s not why the media levied attacks against him.
Needless to say, that “war criminal” remark might return to plague DeSantis if he should become president and someday decide to pursue diplomacy with Russia. Put simply, it doesn’t help relations or attempts at peace. Trump, on the other hand, has understood this quite well, as he rarely, if ever, publicly vilifies Putin. Indeed, Trump criticized DeSantis for the “war criminal” comment, saying that it indicates a lack of seriousness and undermines attempts at peace.
Iran
As a congressman, DeSantis was a firm proponent of imposing sanctions against Tehran and was a fierce detractor of the Iran nuclear deal (JCPOA). He described the JCPOA as an agreement of “plunder and deceit” and defended President Trump’s decision to exit the arrangement. When the debate surrounding the deal was heating up, DeSantis spoke numerous times on the House floor in opposition to the deal. In 2015, Desantis and Tom Cotton teamed up to denounce the JCPOA in a joint statement. Together, they wildly exaggerated the supposed “benefits” Iran would receive from the deal and what it would entail for Iran’s nuclear program. The two described Iran as the “world’s biggest sponsor of terrorism,” underscoring their rigid and hostile attitude toward the West Asian nation.
In his time in Congress, DeSantis was a vocal supporter of potential U.S.-led regime change efforts in Iran. “I think the more we can connect people and expand social networks there, I do think that this regime's days are numbered, and the more success we have in choking off the money and opening up the networks means their demise will be met quicker,” DeSantis said in 2018.
During the same year, DeSantis spoke again about his wish for regime change in Tehran. “What's going on in Iran right now is potentially historic, and if I could pick just one thing to have happen in the world, I don’t know if I could think of too many things that would be better for peace in our time than having those protestors overthrow this regime.” He went on to say that “we have to use whatever tools at our disposal that could be effective.”
In conclusion, a Ron DeSantis presidency is highly unlikely to spawn any peace talks between Tehran and Washington. As a whole, DeSantis’ stance toward Iran is mired in sustaining the failed policy of levying sanctions and an endorsement of the continuous pursuit of regime change efforts, both of which have failed to achieve the desired effect sought by Washington.
Venezuela
Similar to his stance on Iran, Desantis has voiced support for regime change in Venezuela, supported sanctions, and scolded attempts to normalize relations with the Nicolas Maduro regime. In a 2019 Facebook post, DeSantis thanked the Trump administration for “imposing tough sanctions on Maduro.” Like Trump, the Florida governor refused to recognize the government in Caracas as legitimate and instead chose to recognize Juan Guaido as the rightful president.
In March of last year, DeSantis slammed the Biden administration’s talks with Caracas regarding oil acquisition, portraying them as attempts to “legitimize” the Maduro government.
With Maduro gaining more recognition on the international stage, the U.S. is left behind as it maintains ample bitterness toward the Venezuelan state. More and more countries are beginning to establish relations with Caracas, much to the chagrin of the Biden administration. If the U.S. is to maintain its stubbornness regarding the situation, it will only further isolate America on the world stage.
Cuba
Early last year, when speaking out against Biden’s outreach to Venezuela’s Maduro, DeSantis castigated Biden for not doing more to “help” the protestors in Cuba overthrow their regime. “What we see with the Biden administration is basically thumbing their nose at people here in our state when they sit idly and do not lift a finger to help the democracy protestors in Cuba,” he complained.
Whether or not he supported direct funding or military intervention is unclear. Either way, his remark underscores an interest in “helping” freedom protestors in Cuba. “Help” in this case ultimately indicates U.S.-influenced regime change attempts. Just like his positions on Venezuela, North Korea, and Iran, DeSantis is a firm proponent of sanctions imposed against Havana.
China and Taiwan
When it comes to the subject matter of Taiwan, Ron DeSantis’ opinions are fairly analogous to those held by the Biden administration and the majority of Congress. In a recent interview with Nikkei Asia, we can glean quite a bit of information on where he stands on the issue. DeSantis upholds a policy referred to by many in Washington as “deterrence.” This is the supposed approach currently being undertaken by the U.S., purportedly to prevent Beijing from launching an invasion of the island.
“Deterrence” might mean one thing to American policymakers, but to Beijing, it generally means a provocation. In the eyes of the U.S., this policy entails arming Taiwan to the teeth and shifting more American military resources to the area, slowly eradicating the status quo that has been in place for decades. Of course, this embodies a severe threat to China, as its government has repeatedly warned that the ongoing path taken by the U.S. increases, not decreases, the probability of war.
Meanwhile, DeSantis is periodically briefed by a multitude of China hawks. As Politico reported recently, these de facto advisors include Gordon Chang and Elbridge Colby, the latter of whom is the fiercest advocate for direct American involvement in Taiwan should war commence between Beijing and Taipei. Although DeSantis has not publicly stated one way or another whether America should intervene, it is nonetheless concerning that individuals like Colby have his ear on these vastly important matters.
To DeSantis, China is “a significant threat” that America should pay far more attention to. Recently, he compared the CCP to the Soviet Union, stressing the need to contain its spreading influence. “If you look at where we are at this juncture in the 21st century, what the Soviet Union was to us, that's really what China represents in terms of the threat to the free world," he said. "In many respects, the Chinese Communist Party is stronger than what the Soviet Union was, certainly economically," DeSantis added.
In summary, DeSantis’ positions regarding China and Taiwan are substantially similar to the mindset held by the majority of politicians on Capitol Hill. He considers China the greatest threat to America’s standing on the world stage, believing that the U.S. should take a hardline approach to handling relations with Beijing. DeSantis’ takes on Taiwan, albeit not as radical as the Biden administration’s, nonetheless exemplify correlation.
Good Streaks
Over the years, DeSantis occasionally displayed messaging that was more akin to noninterventionism. “That’s the goal with a strong defense. It’s not to go get involved in a bunch of wars. It’s so you can actually stay out of wars,” he said in 2014. He vocally opposed the so-called “nation-building phase” of the war in Afghanistan in 2017. “I would not have stayed in Afghanistan for what we did,” DeSantis said in a recent interview with Piers Morgan.
Speaking on the Iraq war, DeSantis questioned whether the Middle East benefited and pointed out Iran’s success as a result of the war. “I think Iran has gotten stronger as a result of that conflict,” DeSantis said.
When the U.S.-funded proxy war against Syrian President Bashar al-Assad was heating up, DeSantis voiced immense concern about the various jihadist groups the U.S. was funding in Syria. “They cannot be counted on to vindicate our interests, which is why it is a mistake to subcontract out American national security to Islamist fighters,” DeSantis said in a speech on the House floor in 2014. At times, he even endorsed the idea of American neutrality in the Syrian civil war.
Conclusion
In the end, despite occasional comments imbued with an America First bent, Ron DeSantis is no non-interventionist. He has expressed support for regime change efforts against Iran, Venezuela, and Cuba. When John Bolton entered the Trump White House as a national security advisor, DeSantis extolled the warmonger with warm remarks, depicting Bolton as a “very strong voice” and “a very clear thinker.” It was high praise for a man who relentlessly advocated for war against Russia, Iran, North Korea, and numerous other nations.
DeSantis harbors effectively the same mentality as contemporary Washington on the topic of Taiwan. On Ukraine, DeSantis has been rather disappointing, at least in comparison to Trump’s position on the conflict. As we saw earlier, DeSantis put forth an excellent statement proclaiming that the war isn’t America’s fight and then later retracted it due to heavy criticism from the media. Unlike Trump, he has never endorsed the idea of pursuing diplomacy with the Kremlin to end the war for good.
Sadly, DeSantis is not the man who is going to end the war in Ukraine. Thus far, he has articulated no vivid strategy as to how his administration will handle or revise the current role America plays in the conflict. He has fallen behind in this regard, as notable candidates such as Donald Trump, Vivek Ramaswamy, and Robert F. Kennedy Jr. have all endorsed diplomacy with Russia as a means to cease the fighting and prevent further bloodshed.
Ultimately, DeSantis’ record on foreign policy indicates no stark contrast with the GOP establishment. As his campaign carries on, there is a possibility that DeSantis might modify a few of his stances to better adapt to the noninterventionist mindset gaining ground within the GOP voting base. To be sure, we will hear a lot more from DeSantis on where he stands. Till then, we can look at his track record, which shows he isn’t that far from the neoconservative wing of the Republican Party.
DeSantis is also firmly in the pocket of the "Israel lobby".